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Saturday, April 28, 2018

Petard: A Tale of Just Deserts

Petard: A Tale of Just Deserts

By Cory Doctorow


Kickstarter? Hacker, please. Getting strangers to combine their finances so you can chase some entrepreneurial fantasy of changing the world by selling peole stuff is an idea that was dead on arrival. If your little kickstarted business is successful enough to compete with the big, dumb titans, you’ll end up being bought out or forced out or sold out, turning you into something indistinguisable from the incumber businesses you set out to destroy. The problem isn’t that the world has the wrong kind of sellers; it’s that it has the wrong kind of buyers. Powerless, diffused, atomized, puny, and insubstantial.

Turny buyers into sellers and they just ed up getting sucked into the logic of fail : it’s unreasonable to squander honest profits on making people happier than they need to be in order to get them to open their wallets. But once you get all the buyers together in a mass with a unified position, the sellers don’t have any choice. Businesses will never spend a penny more than it takes to make a sale, so you have to change how many pennies it takes to complete the sale.

Petard, a tale of just deserts. Photo by Elena

Back when I was fourteen, it took me ten days to hack together my first Fight the Power site. On the last day of the fall term, Ashcroft High announced that catering was being turned over to Atos Catering. Atos had won the contract to run the caf at my middle school in my last year there, and every one of us lost five kilos by graduation. The French are supposed to be good at cooking, but the slop Atos served wasn’t even food. I’m pretty sure that after the first week they just switched to filling the steamer trays with latex replicas of gray, inedible glorp. Seeing as how no one was eating it, there was no reason to cook up a fresh batch every day.

The announcement came at the end of the last Friday before Christmas break, chiming across all our personal drops wih a combined bong that arrived an instant before the bell rang. The collective groan was loud enough to drown out the closing bell. It didn’t stop, either, but grew in volume as we filtered into the hall and out of the building into the icy teeth of Chicago’s first big freeze of the season.

Junior high students aren’t allowed off campus at lunchtime, but high school students – even freshmen – can go where they please so long as they’re back by the third-period bell. That’s where Fight the Power came in.

Science Fiction and Fantasy 2015, edited by Rich Horton, Prime Books, 2015.

Synergism

Synergism


In the 19th century, by the mid-sixties, creative entrepreneurs had discovered that growth was a word and the word was synergism.

Synergism in the quality of having 2 plus 2 equal 5. Thus, it seemed quite plausible that two separate companies with an earning power of $2 million each might produce combined earnings of $5 million if the business were consolidated. This magical, mystical, surefire profitable new creation was called a conglomerate.

Part of the genius of the financial market is that if a product in demanded, it is produced. The product that all investors desire is expected growth in earning per share; and if growth isn’t to be found in a name, it is only to be expected that someone would find another way to produce it. The market always shakes off its losses and settles down to ponder its next move, which is not too long in coming.

In the U.S., while antitrust laws keep large companies from purchasing firms in the same industry, it is possible to purchase firms in other industries without interference from the Justice Department. These consolidations are carried out in the name of synergism. Ostensibly, mergers would allow the conglomerate to achieve greater financial strength (and thus greater borrowing capabilities at lower rates); to enhance marketing capabilities through the distribution of complementary product lines; to giver greater scope to superior managerial talents; and to consolidate, and thus make more efficient, operating services such as personnel and accounting departments. All this led to synergism – a stimulation of sales and earnings for the combined operation that would have been impossible for the independent entities alone.

Synergism. Photo d'Elena.

In fact, the major impetus for the conglomerate wave of the 1960s, for example, was that the acquisition process itself could be made to produce growth in earnings per share. Indeed, the managers of conglomerates tended to possess financial expertise rather than the operating skills required to improve the profitability of the acquired companies. By an easy bit of legerdemain they could put together a group of companies with no basic potential impulse.

The trick that make the game work is the ability of the company to swap its high-multiple stock for the stock of another company with a lower multiple. For example, a type-writer company can only “sell” its earnings at a multiple of 10. But when these earnings are packaged with the electronics company, the total earnings (including those from selling type-writers) could be sold at a multiple of 20. And the more acquisitions a synergetic company can make the faster earnings per share will grow and thus the more attractive the stock will look to justify its high multiple.

The whole thing is like a chain letter – no one would get hurt as long as the growth of acquisitions proceed exponentially. Of course the process can not continue for long, but the possibilities are mind-boggling for those who get in at the start. It seems difficult t believe that Wall Street professionals could be so myopic as to fall for the conglomerate con came, but accept it they did for a period of several years. Or perhaps as subscribers to the caste-in-the-air theory, they only believed that other people would fall for it.

There were a lot of monkey-shines practiced in the 60s, that could be described as the standard conglomerate earnings “growth” gambit. Convertible bonds (or convertible preferred stocks) are often used as a substitute for shares in paying for acquisitions. A convertible bond is an IOU of the company, paying a fixed interest rate, that is convertible at the option of the holder into shares of the firm’s common stock. As long as the earnings of the newly acquired subsidiary were greater than the relatively low interest rate that was placed on the convertible bond, it was possible to show even more sharply rising earnings per share. This is because no new common stocks at all had to be issued to consummate the merger, and thus the combined earnings could be divided by a smaller number of shares.

It is hard to believe that investors did not count the dilution potential of the new common stock that would be issued if the bondholders of preferred stockholders were too convert their securities into common stock. Indeed, as a result of such manipulations, corporations are now required to report their earnings on a “fully diluted” basis, to account for the new common shares that must be set aside for potential conversions. But most investors in the second half of the 20th century ignored such niceties and were satisfied only to see steadily and rapidly rising earnings.

(Based on A Random Walk Down Wall Street, including a life-cycle guide to personal investing, by Burton G. Malkiel, 1973. W.W. Norton & Company, Inc.)

Automatic Sprinkler Corporation

Automatic Sprinkler Corporation


In the 1960s, one company was truly creative in financing its acquisition program. It used a convertible preferred stock that paid no cash dividend at all (convertible preferred stock is similar to a convertible bond in that the preferred dividend is a fixed obligation of the company. But neither the principal nor the preferred dividend is considered a debt, son your company can usually skip a payment with greater freedom. Of course, in this example, the stock paid no cash dividend at all). Instead, the conversion rate of the security was to be adjusted annually to provide that the preferred stock be convertible into more common shares each year. The older pros in Wall Street shook their heads in disbelief over these shenanigans.

Automatic Sprinkler Corporation (later called A-T-O Inc. and later still, at the urging of its modes chief executive officer Mr. Figgie, Figgie International) is a good example of how the game of manufacturing growth was actually played during the 1960s. Between 1963 and 1968, the company’s sales volume rose by over 1,400 percent. This phenomenal record was due solely to acquisitions. In the middle of 1967, four mergers were completed in a twenty-five-day period. These newly acquired companies were all selling at relatively low price-earnings multiples, and thus helped to produce a sharp growth in earning per share. The market responded to this growth by bidding up the price-earnings multiple to over 50 times earnings in 1967. This boosted the price of the company’s stock from about $8 per share in 1963 to $73 5/8 in 1967.

Mr. Figgie, the president of Automatic Sprinkler, performed the public relations job necessary to help Wall Street build its castle in the air. He automatically sprinkled his conversations with talismanic phrases about the energy of the free-form company and its interface with change and technology. He was careful to point out that he looked at twenty to thirty deals for each one he bought. Wall Street loved every word of it.

Chinatown Old Buildings. Photo by Elena

Mr. Figgie was not alone in conning Wall Street. Managers of other conglomerates almost invented a new language in the process of dazzling the investment community. They talked about market matrices, core technology fulcrums, modular building blocks, and the nucleus theory of growth. No one from Wall Street really knew what the words meant, but they all got the nice, warm feeling of being in the technological mainstream.

In the 60s conglomerate managers found a new way of describing the business they had bought. Their shipbuilding businesses became “marine systems.” Zinc mining became the part of the “protective services division.” And if one of the “ungentlemanly” security analysts (somebody from CCNY rather than Harvard Business School) had the nerve to ask how you can get 15 to 20 percent growth from a foundry or a meat packer, the typical conglomerate manager suggested that his efficiency experts had isolated millions of dollars of excess costs; that his marketing research staff had found several fresh, uninhabited markets; and that the target of tripling profit margins could be easily realized within tow years. To this add talk of breakfast and Sunday meeting with your staff, and the image of the hardworking, competent, go-go atmosphere is complete.

Instead of going down with merger activity, the price-earnings multiples of conglomerate stocks rose higher and higher. Prices and multiples for a selection of conglomerates in 1967 are shown in the following table:

Security, 1967 (high prices, price-earnings multiple), 1969 (low price, price-earnings multiple)

  • Automatic Sprinkler (A-T-O Inc.) 73 7/8; 51,0. 10 7/8, 13.4
  • Litton Industries 120 1/2, 44.1; 55, 14.4
  • Teledyne Inc. 71 1/2, 55.8. 28 1/4 14.2
  • Textron, Inc. 55. 24.9. 23 1/4, 10.1.


The music slowed drastically for the conglomerates on January 19, 1968. On that day, the granddaddy of the conglomerates, Litton Industries, announced that earnings for the second quarter of that year would be substantially less than had been forecast. It had recorded 20 percent yearly increases for almost an entire decade. The market had so thoroughly come to believe in alchemy that the announcement was greeted with disbelief and shock. In the selling wave that followed, conglomerate stocks declined by roughly 40 percent before a feeble recovery set in.

Worse was to come. In July, the Federal Trade Commission announced that it would make an in-depth investigation of the conglomerate merger movement. Again the stocks went tumbling down. The Securities and Exchange Commission and the accounting profession finally made their move and began to make attempts to clarify the reporting techniques for mergers and acquisitions. Perhaps weak parts do not a strong whole make. The sell orders came flooding in. These were closely followed by new announcements from the SEC and the Assistant Attorney General in charge of antitrust, indicating a strong concern about the accelerating pace of the merger movement.

The aftermath of this speculative phase revealed two disturbing factors. First, conglomerates were mortal and were not always able to control their far-flung empires. Indeed, investors became disenchanted with the conglomerate’ new math; 2 plus 2 certainly did not equal 5 and some investors wondered if it even equaled 4. Second, the government and the accounting profession expressed real concern about the pace of mergers and about possible abuses. These two worried on the part of investors reduced – and in many cases eliminated – the premium multiples that had been paid for the anticipation of earnings from the acquisition process alone. This in itself makes the alchemy game almost impossible, for the acquiring company has to have an earnings multiple larger than the acquired company if the ploy is to work at all.

The combination of lower earnings and flattened price-earnings multiples led to a drastic decline in the prices of conglomerates, as the preceding table indicates. It was the professional investors who were hurt the most in the wild scramble for chairs. Few mutual or pension funds were without large holdings of conglomerate stocks. Castles in the air are not reserved as the sole prerogative of individuals; institutional investor can build them, too. An interesting footnote to this episode is that by the 1980s deconglomeration came into fashion. Many of the old conglomerates began to shed their unrelated, poor-performing acquisitions in order to boost their earnings.

Many of these sales were financed through a popular innovation of the 1980s, the leveraged buyout (LBO). Under an LBO the purchaser, often the management of the division assisted by professional deal makers, puts up a very thin margin of equity, borrowing 90 percent or more of the funds needed to complete the transaction. The tax collector helps out by allowing the bought-out entity to increase the value of its depreciable asset base. The combination of high interest payment and larger depreciation charges ensures that taxes for the new entity will remain low or nonexistent for same time. If things go well, the owners can often reap windfall profits. William Simon, a former secretary of the Treasury, made a multimillion-dollar killing on one of the earliest LBOs of the 1980s, Gibson Greeting Cards. The LBO wave accelerated dramatically during the late 1980s. Of course if economic conditions turn sour, the high interest costs are likely to place the new entity in considerable financial jeopardy. The early 1990s witnessed the financial fallout from the explosion of some of the most poorly considered leveraged buyouts, conceived during the 1980s.

The Sour Seventies

The Sour Seventies

The Nifty Fifty


Like generals fighting the last war, War Street’ pros were planning not to repeat the mistakes of the 1960s in the 1970s. No more would they buy small electronics companies or exciting concept stocks. There was a return to reason and with it a return to “sound principles” that translated to investing in blue-chip companies with proven growth records. There were companies, so the thinking went, that would never come crashing down like the speculative favorites of the 1960s. Nothing could be more prudent than to buy their shares and then relax on the golf course while the long-term rewards materialized.

There were only four dozen or so of these premier growth stocks that so fascinated the institutional investors. The names were very familiar – IBM, Xeroxs, Avon Products, Kodak, McDonald’s Polaroid, and Disney, to list a few. They were called the “Nifty Fifty.” They were “big-capitaization” stocks, which meant that an institution could buy a good-sized position without disturbing the market. And since most pros realized that picking the esact correct time to buy is difficult if not impossible, these stocks seemed to make a great deal of senses. So what if you paid a price that was temporarily too high? Since these stocks were proven growers, sooner or later the price you paid would be justified. In addition, these were stocks which – like the family heirlooms – you would never sell. Hence they were also called “one-decision” stocks. You made a decision to buy them, once, and your portfolio-management problems were over.

The Sour Seventies. Photo by Elena

These stocks provided security blankets for institutional investors in another way too. They were so respectable. Your colleagues could never question your prudence in investing in IBM. True, you could lose money if IBM went down, but that was not considered a sign of imprudence (as it would be to lose money in a Performance Systems or a National Student Marketing). Like greyhounds in chase of the mechanical rabbit, bit pension funds, insurance companies, and bank trust funds loaded up on the Nifty fifty one-decision growth stocks. Hard as it is to believe, the institutions had actually started to speculate in blue chips. This is a case of classic insanity. The heights to which the stocks rose were unbelievable. In the table below listed are the price-earnings multiples achieved by a handful of these stocks in 1972. For comparison, the price earnings multiples at the start of the 1980s are listed too. Institutional managers blithely ignored the fact that no sizeble company could ever grow fast enough to justify an earnings multiple of 80 or 90. They once again proved the maxim that stupidity well packaged can sound like wisdom.

Security – Piece-Earnings Multiple 1972 – Price-Earnings Multiple 1980.

  • Sony – 92; 17
  • Polaroid – 90; 16
  • McDonald’s – 83; 9
  • Intl. Flavors – 81; 12
  • Walt Disney – 76; 11
  • Hewlett-Packard – 65; 18.


Perhaps one might argue that the craze was simply a manifestation of the return of confidence in late 1972. Richard Nixon had been reelected by a landslide, peace was “at hand” in Vietnam, price controls were due to come off, inflation was apparently “under control”, and no one knew what OPEC was. But in fact the market in general collapsed, the Nifty Fifty continued to command record earnings multiples and, on a relative basis, the overpricing greatly increased. There appeared to be a “two-tier” market. Forbes magazine commented as follows:

“(The Nifty Fifty appeared to rise up) from the ocean; it was as though all of the US but Nebraska had sunk into the sea. The two tier market really consisted of one tier and a lot of rubble down below.

What held the Nifty Fifty up? The same thing that help up tulip-bulb prices in long-ago Holland – popular delusions and the madness of crowds. The delusion was that these companies were so good that it didn’t matter what you paid for them; their inexorable growth would bail you out.

The end was inevitable. The Nifty Fifty craze ended like all other speculative manias. The Nifty Fifty were – in the words of Forbes columnist Martin Sosnoff – taken out and shot one by one. The oil embargo and the difficulty of obtaining gasoline hit Disney and its large stake in Disneyland and Disneyworld. Production problems with new cameras hit Polaroid. The stocks sank like stones into the ocean. A critical cover story in widely respected Forbes magazine sent Avon Products down almost 50 percent in six months. The real problem was never the particular needle that pricked each individual bubble. The problem was simply that the stocks were ridiculously overpriced. Sooner or later the same money managers who had worshiped the Nifty Fifty decided to make a second decision and sell. In the debacle that followed, the premier growth stocks fell completely from favor.

Amaze yourselves! Photo by Elena

Sequels to the Baby Boom

Sequels to the Baby Boom

Birth rates are off for women i their twenties, but not for older women


Thinking about having a baby? For most women the decision has never been more complicated. The social, medical, and economic trends that have led to later marriages, greater job opportunities, and career pressures for women, easier contraception and abortion, and new techniques for treating infertility have all contributed to pronounced shifts in the demographic profile of child-bearing women over the last decade.

Although women in their 20s continue to bear the most children, the sharpest increases in birth rates since the late 1970s have been among women aged 30 or older. According to the National Center for Health Statistics, the rate for women aged 30 to 34 increased 31 percent during the 1980s before dipping slightly in 1992, which is the year with the most recent data.

Even sharper increases occurred among women aged 35 to 39 (up 60 percent during the 1980s) and among women in their 40s (up 50 percent for the decade). While the birth rate for women in their mid to late 30s nearly leveled off in the yearly 1990s, the rate among older Baby Boomer women, aged 40 to 44, continues to rise.

Meanwhile, teen birth rates, which grew at rates of 20 percent or more in the late 1980s, were flat, or in the case of girls aged 15 to 17 even slightly down in the early 1990s. According to National Center for Health Statistics, “The leveling off of the sharp rate of increase in teenage childbearing during the 1980s may reflect a similar leveling off since 1988 in the proportion of teenagers who are sexually active, especially among the youngest teenagers.” Among teenagers who are sexually active, contraceptive use seems to be on the rise, the government researchers reported.

Baby Boom. Photo by Elena

Despite the rise in birth rates among older women, far more women in their 30s remain childless than was true two decades ago. In 1975 about one in nine women aged 35 were childless; it is now about one if five. The group tends to be far better educated than the general population. The National Center for Health Statistics reports that in 1992, 49 percent of first-time mothers aged 30 to 45 were college graduate; that was double what it was for other women that were in this age group.

Infertility problems may affect many older women who still plan to have children. According to one major government survey, a third of childless women aged 35 to 44 were found to have fertility problems in 1988. Yet many previously unthreatened fertility problems can now be addressed, even among older women.

The combination of more women in the workforce with later marriages and childbearing has also meant smaller families. During the era of the Kennedy presidency, it was not at all uncommon to have as many as four children. Today the average is two. In 1980 the proportion of families with four or more children under the age of 18 was 7.8 percent. In 1990 it was only 5.7 percent, and over 4 in ten families had only one child.

When it comes to birth trends today, “less is more” and “better late than never” appear to be the watchwords