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Tuesday, August 7, 2018

Evidence Inconsistent with the Weak Form of the Efficient-Market Hypothesis

Evidence Inconsistent with the Weak Form of the Efficient-Market Hypothesis


Recall that the weak form of the efficient-market hypothesis (the random-walk notion) says simply that the technical analysis of past price patterns to predict the future is useless because any information from such as analysis will already have been incorporated in current market prices. If today’s direction – up or down, forward or backward – does indeed predict tomorrow’s step, than you will act on it today rather than tomorrow. Thus, if market participants were confident that the price of any security would double next week, the price would not reach that level over five working days. Why wait? Indeed, unless the price adjusted immediately, a profitable arbitrage opportunity would exist and would be expected to be exploited immediately in an efficient market. The arbitrageur (or “arb” as these players are now known on Wall Street) would simply buy today and then sell out at a big profit next week. If the flow of information is unimpeded then tomorrow’s price change in speculative markets will reflect only tomorrow’s “news” and will be independent of the price change today. But “news” by definition is unpredictable and thus the resulting price changes must also be unpredictable and random.

A “random walk” would characterize a price series where all subsequent price changes represent random departures from previous prices. More formally, the random-walk model states that investment returns are serially independent, and that their probability distributions are constant through time.

The earliest empirical work on the random-walk hypothesis generally found that stock price changes from time to time were essentially independent of (or unrelated to) each other. While some of these studies found that there was some slight correlation between successive price changes, researchers concluded that profitable investment strategies could not be formulated on the basis of the extremely small dependencies found.

Do you want to know who you are? Don’t ask. Act! Action will delineate and define you (Thomas Jefferson). Photo by Elena.

More recent work, however, indicated that the random-walk model does not strictly hold. As will be noted below, some consistent patterns of correlations, inconsistent with the model, have been uncovered. Nevertheless, it is less clear that violations exist of the weak form of the efficient-market hypothesis, which states only that unexploited trading opportunities should not persist in any efficient market.

Stocks do sometimes get on one-way streets.

Several studies completed during the 1980s have been inconsistent with the pure random-walk model. They show that price changes measured over short short periods of time do tend to persist. For example, researchers Andrew Lo and A.Craig MacKinlay found that for two decades ending in the mid-1980s, broad portfolio stock returns for weekly and monthly holding periods showed positive serial correlation. In other words, a positive return in one week is more likely not to be followed by a positive return in the next week.

Well, that looks like interesting news to an investor. However, this rejection of the random-walk model is due largely to the behavior of small stocks in the portfolios, which are less frequently traded than larger capitalization stocks. In part, such serial correlation may be induced by new information about the market being incorporated into large capitalization stocks first and into the smaller stocks with a tag. Thus, positive portfolio moves since the good news gets incorporated into the prices of smaller stocks only later in some instances, when the small stocks are finally traded. In any event, the research findings do not necessarily imply any inefficiences in stock price formation. It is not clear that an investor who pays commission costs can formulate a trading strategy to exploit the small correlations that have been found.

But eventually stock prices do change direction and hence stockholder returns tend to reverse themselves. Buying stocks that performed poorly durting the past two years or so is likely to give you above-average returns over the next two years. This is the finding of research carried out by Eugene Fama and Kenneth French as well as by James Poterba and Lawrence Summers. In research jargon, they say that while stock returns over short horizons such as a weel or a month may be positively correlated, stock returns over longer horizons, such as a year or more, display negative serial correlation. Richard Quandt and I have confirmed that this result continued to hold throughout the 1980s. Thus, a contrarian investment strategy – that is, buying those stocks that have had relatively poor recent performance – might be expected to outperform a strategy of buying those stocks that recently produced superior returns. The implicit advice to investors is to shun recently fashionable stocks and concentrate one’s buying on those stocks that are currently out of favor.

Of all the anomalies that have been uncovered or alleged, this one strikes me not only as one of the most believable but also as potentially most beneficial for investors. Certainly we know that fads and fashions can play a rôle in stock pricing. At times. Growth stocks have been all the rage; at other periods electronics stocks or biotechnology securities have caught investors’ fancies. No matter what the fad, all carried stock prices to extremes and led to severe losses for investors who purchased at the apex. If investors could avoid buying at the top of an unwarranted “bubble,” serious investment mistakes could be avoided. Similarly, if those stocks that were overly popular turn out to be poor investments, perhaps the stocks that have recently been shunned by investors – the ugly ducking of the investment world – will eventually come out from under their cloud. Particularly when such a contrarian approach is wedded to a fundamental-value approach (to avoid buying stocks simply because they are unpopular), investors may well benefit from such a strategy. The psychological explanation for such reversals in realized stock returns suggests the dominance of “castle-in-the-air” builders among investment decision-makers. If stock prices were always influenced by fads and fashions which tended to arise and then decay over time, such reversals in returns would be expected. Hence, many investigators have concluded that the evidence concerning reversals in returns is inconsistent with the efficient-market hypothesis. Well – maybe yes, but maybe no. There are both logical and statistical reasons to continue to stand by the theory of efficient markets.

Return reversals over different time periods are often rooted in solid economic facts rather that psychological swings. The volatility of interest rates constitutes a prime economic influence on share prices. Since bonds – the frontline reflectors of interest-rate direction – compete with stocks for the investor’s dollars, one should logicallyexpect systematic relationships between interest rates and stock prices. Specifically, when interest rates go up, share prices should fall, other things being the same, so as to provide larger expected stock returns in the future. Only if this happens will stocks be competitive with higher-yielding bonds. Similarly, when interest rates fall, stocks should tend to rise, since they can promise a lower total return and still be competitive with lower-yielding bonds.

It’s easy to see how fluctuations in interest rates can produce reversals in stocks. Suppose interest rates go up. This causes both bond and stock prices to fall and tends to produce low and often negative rates of return over the time periods when the interest rates rose. Suppose nw that interest rates fall back to ttheir original level. This causes bond and stock prices to rise and tends to produce very high returns for stockholders. Thus, over a cycle of interest-rate fluctuations, we will tend to se relatively large stock returns following low stock returns – that is, exactly the kinds of return reversals need to be due to fads that decay over time. They can also result from the very logical and efficient reaction of stock-market participants to fluctuations in interest rates.

Obviously, in any given period there are many influences on stock prices apart from interest rates so one should not expect to find a perfect correspondence between movements of interest rates and stock prices. Nevertheless, the tendency of interest rates to influence stock prices could account for the sorts of return reversals that have been found historically, and such a relationship is perfectly consistent with the existence of highly efficient markets.

Statistically, there are also reasons to doubt the “robustness” of this finding concerning return reversals. It turns out that correlations of returns over time are much lower in the period since 1940 then they were in the period before 1940. Thus, the employment of simple contrarian investment strategies is no guarantee of success. And even if fads are partially responsible for some return reversals (as when a particular group of stocks comes in and out of favor), fads don’t occur all the time.

So what’s an investor to do? As the careful reader knows, I believe that the stock market it fundamentally logical. I also recognize that the market does get carried away with popular fads or fashions. Similarly, pessimism can often be overdone. Thus, “value” investors operating on the firm-foundation theory will often find that stocks which have produced very poor recent returns may provide very generous returns in the future. Knowing that careful statistical work also supports this tendency, at least to some extent, should give investors an additional strategy coupled with a firm-foundation approach. But remember that the statistical relationship is a loose one and that some unpopular stocks may be justly unpopular. Certainly some companies that have been doing downhill may continue to go “down the tubes.” The relationships are sufficiently loose and uncertain that one should be very wary of expecting sure success from any simple contrarian strategy.

Stocks are subject to seasonal moodiness, especially at the beginning of the year and the end of the week

Discoveries of several apparently predictable stock patterns indicate that a walk down Wall Street may not be perfectly random. Investigators have documented a “January effect,” where stock returns are abnormally higher during the first few days of January. The effect appears to be particularly strong for smaller firms. Even after adjusting for risk, small firms appear to offer investors abnormally generous returns – with the excess returns being largely produced during the first few days of the year. Such an effect has also been documented for several foreign stock markets. This led to one book being published during the 1980s with the provocative title The Incredible January Effect. Investors and especially stockbrokers, with visions of large commissions dancing around in their heads, designed strategies to capitalize on this “anomaly” believed to be so dependable.

One possible explanation for a “January effect” is that tax effect are at work. Some investors may sell securities at the end of the calendar year to establish short-term capital losses for income-tax purposes. If this selling pressure depresses stock prices prior to the end of the year, it would seem reasonable that the bounce-back during the first week in January could create abnormal returns during that period. While this effect could be applicable for all stocks, it would be larger for small firms because stocks of small companies are more volatile and less likely to be in the portfolios of tax-exempt institutional investors and pension funds. One might suppose that traders would take advantage of any excess returns during this period. Unfortunately, however, the transactions costs of trading in the stocks of small companies are substantially higher than for larger companies (because of the higher bid-asked spreads) and there appears to be no way a commission-paying ordinary investor could exploit this anomaly.

Other investigators have also documented a so-called weekend effect, where average stock returns are negative from the close of trading on Friday to the close of trading on Monday. In other words, there is some justification for the expression “blue Monday on Wall Street.” According to this line of thinking, you should buy your stocks on Monday afternoon at the close, not on Friday afternoon or Monday morning, when they tend to be selling at slightly higher prices.

The general problem with these anomalies is that they are typically small relative to the transactions costs required to exloit them, and they are not always dependable in that they often fail soon after being discovered. The “small firm effect” is a good example. No sooner had it been discovered in the early 1980s than it failed to work: Small stocks were relatively poor performers throughout ,such of the bull market of the 1980s. Moreover, even during January (1989 being a case in point), small stocks would often underperform larger issues.

Even if the “small firm effect” were to persist (and the date to suggest that higher returns have been earned from small company stocks over very long periods of history), it’s not at all clear that such a finding would violate market efficiency. A finding that small company stocks outperform the stocks of larger companies on a risk adjusted basis depends importantly on how one measures risk. Beta (relative volatility), the risk measure typically used in the studies that have found anomalies, may be a very poor measure of risk. Thus, its is impossible to distinguish if the abnormal returns are truly the result of inefficiencies or result instead because of inadequacies in our measure of risk. The higher returns for smaller companies may simply be the requisite reward owed to investors for assuming a greater risk of disappointment in the investment returns they expect, just as larger returns are achieved over the long run from investing in relatively volatile long-term bonds than from more predictable short-term Treasury Bills.

In conclusion, serious questions remain concerning the adjustment for risk involved in documenting the “January/small firm effect.” Moreover the dependability of the phenomenon is open to question. Finally, the magnitudes of the “start-of-the-year” and “end-of-the-week” effects are very small relative to the transactions costs involved for the individual investor to exploit them. Consequently, I am not prepared to admit that important violations of weak-form market efficiency have been uncovered.

Burton G. Malkiel. A Random Walk Down Wall Street, including a life-cycle guide to personal investing. First edition, 1973, by W.W. Norton and company, Inc.

Monday, August 6, 2018

New Rules of Success

The New Rules of Success

Forget big biz: Small companies are where the action is in the XXIth century


Has your career stalled or been phased out? You are not alone. Over the last twenty years, one-third of the 1999 graduating class of the Harvard Business School has been laid off or fired at least once. Nonetheless, the class today has a median income. Nonetheless, the class today has a median income of $400,000 and nearly half are presidents, chairmen, or CEOs.

Harvard Business School professor John Kotter has tracked the Harvard grads over the years and documented how they beat the bad times in his new book, The New Rules: How to Succeed in Today's Post Corporate World.  Kotter found that, even for Harvard B-School grads, the traditional corporate career no longer ensures the stability or opportunity for growth that it once did. Many of the Class of '99 success stories played by new rules, many of which they did not learn in Harvard Business School. We asked Kotter to give us the lowdown.

What is the primary lesson of the business class of '99?


The single biggest route to success for most of the century was a narrow aisle up through a big company. The '99 class lies on the cusp of a major shift in capitalism. Today, small companies are better able to adapt to a more dynamic and rapidly changing world. That is why 62 percent of this class have selected careers with small companies.

What made the '99 class so successful?


Interestingly, it is not the Harvard degree or the intellectual capacity per se that characterized successful members of the '99 business class. Instead, what stood out was a drive to increase performance standards and a drive to continually learn.

Smart move! Try to show your skills in any occasion. Photo by Elena.

What changes in the economy have necessitated the new rules for success?


The biggest change is the globalization of markets and the ensuing competition, which creates a more hazardous and volatile business environment.  However, with the accelerating pace of change, there are also more opportunities for individuals to achieve success.

Does a career in big business mean a less fulfilling less well-paid job than a small business or entrepreneurial job?


Yes. Those in the '99 Harvard business class that chose a career in a small business or struck out on their own were more successful. In fact, most successful big companies are starting to resemble small companies in structure and style – the hierarchies are becoming less rigid, and different departments are more autonomous and more flexible than in the past. This means that people in big companies will have to assume more of the decision making and responsibility that their counterparts in small companies have, even though they generally will receive less compensation.

If most of Harvard's best and brightest left big business, who stayed?


Certainly there are a lot of very bright people left in big business. But big businesses are starting to fall apart. Nike, for instance, isn't that big of a company – they outsource much of their work.


Besides money, what is the major source of satisfaction for a career in a small company?


The major source of satisfaction the move toward entrepreneurship and small companies provides is being in charge, being able to shape your own destiny.

What about people who are reluctant to change jobs?


Because of changes in technology and the economy, most people will not have the opportunity to stick with one job, as their parents did. The modern-key worker has to assume more responsibility. The problem is that most of the population has been conditioned to prefer routines. Today many people are scared of change and when they see it they hide behind their desks and their roles.

Who stands most to gain by the new rules?


Whenever you have a stable environment the “in crowd” is favored. With unstable environments or times of great change such as we are experiencing now, the “out crowd” (anyone who has not been part of the status quo) has much greater opportunities than before.

What types of careers offer the most dynamic growth opportunities?


Some industries do offer more opportunities, but it is difficult to draw generalizations. A lot of older industries such as the apparel industry have huge opportunities. Billions of people on earth need apparel and the emerging middle class in India is going to need a lot of clothes from the garment industry.

Are there “must-have” skills in today's workplace?


As we go forward, it is going to be important to learn more about information technologies. But beyond skills, people have to learn to take initiative as well as be able to adapt to change.

What is the most important rule for success in today's post-corporate world?


In any job the question people have to ask is “Am I learning something?” It used to be that people thought in terms of companies, then they thought in terms of careers, but now they have to think in terms of life-long learning.

Beauty counts: A recent study evaluated people on the basis of physical appearance. The results: Those deemed unattractive earn, on average 12 percent less than those deemed beautiful. Obese women tend to earn less, even after they lose weight. However, obesity is not a factor in men's earnings. But the overall effect of perceived attractiveness on earnings is the same for both men and women.

Will I Get My Job Back?

Will I Get My Job Back?

What to do if you need to take time off to care for a loved one


All politicians say they are pro-family and now they have a law to prove it. The 1993 Family and Medical Leave Act (FMLA) stipluates that all government agencies and all private employers with more than 50 employees must provide up to 12 weeks of unpaid, job-protected leave for an employee for any of the following reasons : the birth of adoption of a child; the care of an immediate relative with a serious health condition; or medical leave for the employee if he or she is unable to work because of a serious health condition. Here, from the Labor Department's Compliance Guide to the Family and Medical Leave Act, are answers to some of the most commonly asked questions about the new law.

Does the law guarantee paid time off?


FMLA leave is generally unpaid. However, in certain circumstances the use of accrued paid leave – such as vacation of sick leave – may be substituted for the unpaid leave required by the law. FMLA is intended to encourage generous family and medical leave policies. For this reason, the law does not diminish more generous existing leave policies or laws.

Does FMLA leave have to be taken in whole days of weeks, or in one continuous block?


The FMLA permits leave for birth or placement for adoption or foster care to be taken intermittently, in blocks of time or by reducing the normal weekly or daily work schedule – subject to employer approval. Leave for a serious health condition may be taken intermittently when “medically necessary.”

Are there employees not covered by the law?


Yes. An estimated 60 percent of U.S. Workers (and about 95 percent of U.S. Employers) are not covered by the law. To be eligible for FMLA benefits, an employee must work for the employer; have worked for the employer at least 1,250 hours over the prior 12 months and work at a location where at least 50 employees are employed by the employer with 75 miles.

What do I have to do to request FMLA leave from my employer?


You may be required to provide your employer with 30 days' advance notice when the need for leave is foreseeable. When the need for the leave cannot be foreseen, you must give your employer notice as soon as practicable. You may be required to submit documentation – called a medical certification – from the health care provider treating you or your immediate family member.

These days, parental leave is practically an entitlement at the most progressive companies. Photography by Elena.

Will I be allowed to return to my same job?


Ordinarily you will be restored to the same position you held prior to the leave, with the same pay and benefits, if the position remains available. You may be restored to an equivalent position rather than to the position you held before taking the leave, if the previous position is not available. An equivalent position must have equivalent pay, benefits, and terms and conditions of employment as the original job.

Do I lose all benefits when I take unpaid FMLA leave?


Your employer is required to maintain health insurance coverage on the same terms it was provided before the leave began. In addition, the use of FMLA leave cannot result in the loss of any employment benefit that accrued prior to the start of your leave.

What if I believe my employer is violating the law?


You have the choice of filing, or having another person file on your behalf, a complaint with the Employment Standards Administration, Wage and Hour Division, or you can elect to file a private lawsuit.

(One of the first texts written by Elena).

Semi-strong Efficiency and Some More Anomalies

Semi-strong Efficiency and Some More Anomalies


Academic and financial analysis in the semi-strong school of market efficiency believe that all public information about a company is always reflected in the stock's price. Thus, they are skeptical about the ability of “fundamental” security analysts to pore over data concerning a company's earnings and dividends in an effort to find “undervalued” stocks, which represent particularly good “value” for investors. Two of the anomalies given considerable attention in the 1980s are quantification of two value techniques of security analysts: Look for security that sell (1) at low multiples compared with their earnings and (2) with high dividends compared with their market prices. Has this new scientific evidence proved that the Wall Street security analysts were right all the time?

There is some evidence that stocks with low price-earnings multiples outperform those with high multiples: We have come to another potential anomaly with which I have considerable intellectual sympathy. One of my cardinal rules of stock selection is to look for companies with reasonable growth prospects that have yet to be discovered by the stock market and thus are selling at relatively low earnings multiples. I have also warned investors repeatedly about the dangers of very high-multiple stocks that may be the current favorites of the investment community. Particularly since earning growth is so hard to forecast, it's far better to be in low-multiple stocks; if growths does materialize, both the earnings and the earnings multiple will likely increase, giving the investor a double benefit. Buying a high-multiple stock whose earnings grows fails to materialize subjects investors to a double whammy. Both the earnings and the multiple can fall.

Keep your eyes on the stars, and your feet on the ground (Theodore Roosevelt). Photo by Elena

There is some evidence that a portfolio of stocks with relatively low earnings multiples has often produced above-average rates of return even after adjusting for risk. To some extent, this phenomenon is related to the “small firm effect”. But again, as with the small firm effect, the “P/E effect” appears to vary over time – it is certainly not dependable over every specific investment period. Moreover, even if it can be shown to persist on average over a long period of time, one can never be sure if the excess returns are due to increased risk or to market abnormalities. The studies which have documented abnormal returns have used relative volatility or beta to measure risk. To the extent that one has reason to believe that beta is not a perfect, or even in many instances a useful, risk measure – one should treat the low P/E anomaly with some suspicion.

And don't forget that low P/Es are often justified. Very often companies on the edge of some financial disaster will sell at very low multiples of reported earnings. For example, just prior to declaring bankruptcy in 1983, Continental Illinois Bank sold at an unusually low earnings multiple. The financial community in this case was entirely justified in disbelieving reported earnings. The low multiples reflected not value but a profound concern about the viability of the bank. It turned out that Continental's reported earnings bore little relation to the actual economic earnings of the bank.

Another illustration will show how difficult is to implement a low P/E strategy. Suppose two identical banks have $10 per share in earnings for the year, half of which represents “pay-in-kind” interest from financially weak less-developed countries (LDCs). The LCDs can't pay their interest but instead just write a new IOU for the unpaid interest. Bank One reports the whole $10 in earnings while Bank Two reports only $5 as earnings, preferring to set up the more questionable extra $5 "pay-in-kind” interest as a reserve against future potential defaults. Which bank will show the higher P/E multiple? Most likely it will be the more conservative Bank Two, which reported the lower earnings. If both banks sold at $50 per share (and by assumption they are identical except for their accounting policies), then the conservative Bank Two would have a P/E multiple of 10 while Bank One, which set up no reserves and just called everything “earnings,” would have a multiple of only 5. It's easy to see how a low P/E criterion could in some instances give a poor measure of true value.

Higher initial dividends have meant higher subsequent returns: Another apparently predictable relationship concerns the returns realized over several quarters of years from stocks and the initial dividend yields at which they were purchased. For example, 25 percent of the variability of a two- to four-year holding period on returns can, in certain periods, be predicted on the basis of the stocks' initial dividend-price ratios. Such a finding is perfectly consistent, however, with an efficient-market view of security price determination. Those prices are low relative to dividends (that is yields too high) when general market interest rates and thus required returns are high. Such a result is also consistent with the findings of mean reversion (return reversals) described above. An economic shock that raises general market interest rates will be associated with a decline in stock prices, which will lower realized returns. But the price decline raises both the dividend yield and the future rate of return. Assuming that the cumulative price effects from fluctuations in market interest rates are roughly zero, the time variation of expected returns can give rise to mean-reverting components of market prices.

The point, then, is that at a time when bod interest rates are high, dividend yields on stocks are also likely to be high and those higher dividend yields will presage higher subsequent stock returns. This is a logical outcome and is entirely consistent with efficient markets. And there is no doubt that, other things being the same, stocks with higher dividend yields represent better value. Unfortunately, a strategy often does do well, and a portfolio yielding high dividends may be especially appropriate for certain individuals in low tax brackets or with high income needs for living expenses. But there is no evidence that the market systematically and consistently fails to adjust properly to current and prospective dividend returns.

In sum while it is true that departures exist from the weak and semi-strong forms of the efficient-market hypothesis, departures from randomness are generally small and are not consistent over time. An investor who pays transactions costs cannot generally formulate an investment strategy that is profitable on the basis of these anomalies. Moreover, the more dependable relationships, such as those associated with general movements in interest rates, may be perfectly consistent with market efficiency. Although the random-walk hypothesis is not strictly upheld, the documented departures from randomness do not appear to leave significant unexploited investment opportunities that are inconsistent with the efficient-market hypothesis.

Burton G. Malkiel. A Random Walk Down Wall Street, including a life-cycle guide to personal investing. First edition, 1973, by W.W. Norton and company, Inc.

Strong Form of the Efficient-Market Hypothesis

Strong Form of the Efficient-Market Hypothesis


The strongest form of the efficient-market hypothesis is unlikely to hold. We know that stock splits, dividend increases, and merger announcements can have substantial effects on share prices. Consequently, insiders trading on such information can clearly profit before the announcement is made. While such trading is illegal, the fact that the market often at least partially anticipates the announcements suggests that it is possible to profit on the basis of privileged information.

We also know that corporate insiders typically do well when trading stocks of their own companies. Stocks purchased by insiders often outperform the stocks in a randomly selected group. Moreover, distributions by “knowledgeable” sellers have often preceded significant price declines. Thus, the strongest form of the efficient-market hypothesis is clearly refuted.

Of course it is possible for insiders acting on the basis of information about an important mineral strike to make profits at the expense of public investors not privy to that information. Such things have happened in the past with too much frequency. But situations like that involving Texas Gulf Sulphur, where insiders allegedly profited from news of mineral discoveries at the expense of the public, are now less likely to occur than in the past. Of course, those who know in advance about a future takeover bid at a large premium over current market prices can profit from that knowledge. But arbitrageurs such as Ivan Boesky who have been convicted of securities violations have, in fact, spent time in jail – albeit a jail that bore some resemblance to a country club. It is also possible for columnists writing in widely read financial publications to profit from advance information of a bullish story concerning a particular security. But when they are caught utilizing this information themselves or selling it to others, they get fired and go to jail, as R. Foster Winans of the Wall Street Journal discovered.

Problems are not stop signs, they are guidelines (Robert H. Schuller). Photo by Elena

In recent years, the Securities and Exchange Commission has taken an increasingly tough stand against anyone profiting from information not generally available to the public. The SEC has put the investment community on notice that corporate officials, arbitrageurs, and anyone else acting on material that is not public information do so at their own peril. More recently, the SEC has extended this warning to any investor acting on this information, even if he hears about it third-hand – such as through his broker. It is small wonder that many a company president who thinks he has told a visiting security analyst some relevant piece of information he has not made available to others will immediately issue a press release to rectify the situation.

Thus tightened rules on disclosure make time lags in the dissemination of new information much shorter than they may have been in previous years. Of course, the more quickly information is disseminated to the public at large, the more closely the market may be expected to conform to the random-walk model. While the evidence on insider trading indicates that the very strongest form of the theory is not valid, there is considerable evidence that the market comes reasonably close to strong-form efficiency.

Several studies have been performed on the records of professional investment managers. In general, they show that randomly selected portfolios or unmanaged indices do as well as or better than professionally managed portfolios. What is remarkable is how well the data continue to confirm the extraordinary efficiency of the market. Most managers of the equity portfolios of pension funds could have substantially improved their performance by casting their lot with the efficient-market theory and not trying to outguess the market. In sum, it is true that the strongest form of the efficient-market theory does not hold and that scattered pieces of evidence have been found that are inconsistent with the semi-strong and weak forms of the theory. The market does not meander as a perfect random walk. But the proof of the pudding for me – convincing me that markets are still highly efficient – is that professional investment managers are not able to outperform the broad market averages. No investor can afford to ignore this important fact of life.

Burton G. Malkiel. A Random Walk Down Wall Street, including a life-cycle guide to personal investing. First edition, 1973, by W.W. Norton and company, Inc.